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Op-Ed Columnist
Punishing the Jobless
By PAUL KRUGMAN
There was a time when everyone took it for granted that unemployment insurance, which normally terminates after 26 weeks, would be extended in times of persistent joblessness. It was, most people agreed, the decent thing to do.
But that was then. Today, American workers face the worst job market since the Great Depression, with five job seekers for every job opening, with the average spell of unemployment now at 35 weeks. Yet the Senate went home for the holiday weekend without extending benefits. How was that possible?
The answer is that we’re facing a coalition of the heartless, the clueless and the confused. Nothing can be done about the first group, and probably not much about the second. But maybe it’s possible to clear up some of the confusion.
By the heartless, I mean Republicans who have made the cynical calculation that blocking anything President Obama tries to do — including, or perhaps especially, anything that might alleviate the nation’s economic pain — improves their chances in the midterm elections. Don’t pretend to be shocked: you know they’re out there, and make up a large share of the G.O.P. caucus.
By the clueless I mean people like Sharron Angle, the Republican candidate for senator from Nevada, who has repeatedly insisted that the unemployed are deliberately choosing to stay jobless, so that they can keep collecting benefits. A sample remark: “You can make more money on unemployment than you can going down and getting one of those jobs that is an honest job but it doesn’t pay as much. We’ve put in so much entitlement into our government that we really have spoiled our citizenry.”
Now, I don’t have the impression that unemployed Americans are spoiled; desperate seems more like it. One doubts, however, that any amount of evidence could change Ms. Angle’s view of the world — and there are, unfortunately, a lot of people in our political class just like her.
But there are also, one hopes, at least a few political players who are honestly misinformed about what unemployment benefits do — who believe, for example, that Senator Jon Kyl, Republican of Arizona, was making sense when he declared that extending benefits would make unemployment worse, because “continuing to pay people unemployment compensation is a disincentive for them to seek new work.” So let’s talk about why that belief is dead wrong.
Do unemployment benefits reduce the incentive to seek work? Yes: workers receiving unemployment benefits aren’t quite as desperate as workers without benefits, and are likely to be slightly more choosy about accepting new jobs. The operative word here is “slightly”: recent economic research suggests that the effect of unemployment benefits on worker behavior is much weaker than was previously believed. Still, it’s a real effect when the economy is doing well.
But it’s an effect that is completely irrelevant to our current situation. When the economy is booming, and lack of sufficient willing workers is limiting growth, generous unemployment benefits may keep employment lower than it would have been otherwise. But as you may have noticed, right now the economy isn’t booming — again, there are five unemployed workers for every job opening. Cutting off benefits to the unemployed will make them even more desperate for work — but they can’t take jobs that aren’t there.
Wait: there’s more. One main reason there aren’t enough jobs right now is weak consumer demand. Helping the unemployed, by putting money in the pockets of people who badly need it, helps support consumer spending. That’s why the Congressional Budget Office rates aid to the unemployed as a highly cost-effective form of economic stimulus. And unlike, say, large infrastructure projects, aid to the unemployed creates jobs quickly — while allowing that aid to lapse, which is what is happening right now, is a recipe for even weaker job growth, not in the distant future but over the next few months.
But won’t extending unemployment benefits worsen the budget deficit? Yes, slightly — but as I and others have been arguing at length, penny-pinching in the midst of a severely depressed economy is no way to deal with our long-run budget problems. And penny-pinching at the expense of the unemployed is cruel as well as misguided.
So, is there any chance that these arguments will get through? Not, I fear, to Republicans: “It is difficult to get a man to understand something,” said Upton Sinclair, “when his salary” — or, in this case, his hope of retaking Congress — “depends upon his not understanding it.” But there are also centrist Democrats who have bought into the arguments against helping the unemployed. It’s up to them to step back, realize that they have been misled — and do the right thing by passing extended benefits.
He said, "By the clueless I mean people like Sharron Angle, the Republican candidate for senator from Nevada, who has repeatedly insisted that the unemployed are deliberately choosing to stay jobless, so that they can keep collecting benefits. A sample remark: “You can make more money on unemployment than you can going down and getting one of those jobs that is an honest job but it doesn’t pay as much. We’ve put in so much entitlement into our government that we really have spoiled our citizenry.”
She is not clueless about unemployment. She is on point. The rule is that you don't have to take a job offer if it pays $X dollars below what you were paid on your last job. I've overhead a lot of unemployed people stating that they are making out better because they don't have all the expenses of going to work (gas, wear and tear on the car, lunches, etc.), and still have money to live on. They ARE choosing to stay jobless because they are offered jobs not making the same, or more, wages as before. ....and it's easier now to report joblessness weekly. All you do is pick up a phone and dial into the unemployment office. You no longer have to go in person. So...someone who may have been hurt; i.e., injuries that preclude getting unemployment because you are unable to work, no longer is a factor in the equation. (Ex: I collected back in the 70s and sprained my ankle. I was on crutches but had to go to the office to sign up week after week. Although my foot had nothing to do with my job, I was refused and could not collect unemployment for 6 weeks, then needed a doctor's excuse to start collecting again, which took another 2 weeks until they verified it.)
I can't understand why some of these bloggers don't believe this. Is it because they never had to collect and don't know the law, or is it they just want something to complain about/upset/cause conflict with people?
Thunderstorm coming and must shut down now but here's what I've found so far.
Pocket Vetos: G.W. Bush -1 The highest pocket vetos Franklin Roosevelt with 263.
Regular Vetos: 11 with 4 overridden.
1. July 19, 2006: Vetoed H.R. 810, Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act of 2005, a bill to ease restrictions on federal funding for embryonic stem cell research. Override attempt failed in House, 235-193 (286 needed).
2. May 1, 2007: Vetoed H.R. 1591, U.S. Troop Readiness, Veterans' Care, Katrina Recovery, and Iraq Accountability Appropriations Act, 2007. Override attempt failed in House, 222-203 (284 needed). A later version of the bill that excluded certain aspects of the initial legislation that the President disapproved of... H.R. 2206, was enacted as Pub.L. 110-28 with the President's approval. As for the Fair Wage Act, President Bush advised that the bill should include tax cuts for small businesses that could be harmed by the wage increase. The amended bill was passed on May 26 and signed by President Bush on May 27.
3. June 20, 2007: Vetoed S. 5, Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act of 2007. No override attempt made.
4. October 3, 2007: Vetoed H.R. 976, Children's Health Insurance Program Reauthorization Act of 2007 ("SCHIP"). Override attempt failed in House, 273-156 (286 votes needed). President Bush argued that such efforts were steps toward federalization of health care, and would "steer the program away from its core purpose of providing insurance for poor children and toward covering children from middle-class families."
FYI: In 1993, Hillary tried to get this to pass but the bill had to comply with the existing balanced budget agreement between Congress and the White House, something that Trent Lott said it did not. Pressure was on to reduce the amount of grants involved, with $16 billion a possible compromise; Hillary Clinton instead argued for $24 billion. The Clinton administration had a deal with the Republican leadership in Congress that forbade the administration from backing any amendments to the budget resolution. Thus, Bill Clinton phoned members of Congress and asked that they kill the children's health insurance provision when it came to the floor.
5. November 2, 2007: Vetoed H.R. 1495, Water Resources Development Act of 2007. Overridden by House, 361-54 (277 votes needed). Overridden by Senate, 79-14 (62 needed), and enacted as Pub. L. 110-114 over President's veto. President Bush vetoed the bill on November 2, explaining:
“This bill lacks fiscal discipline. I fully support funding for water resources projects that will yield high economic and environmental returns to the Nation and each year my budget has proposed reasonable and responsible funding, including $4.9 billion for 2008, to support the Army Corps of Engineers' (Corps) main missions. However, this authorization bill makes promises to local communities that the Congress does not have a track record of keeping. The House of Representatives took a $15 billion bill into negotiations with a $14 billion bill from the Senate and instead of splitting the difference, emerged with a Washington compromise that costs over $23 billion. This is not fiscally responsible, particularly when local communities have been waiting for funding for projects already in the pipeline. The bill's excessive authorization for over 900 projects and programs exacerbates the massive backlog of ongoing Corps construction projects, which will require an additional $38 billion in future appropriations to complete. This bill does not set priorities. The authorization and funding of Federal water resources projects should be focused on those projects with the greatest merit that are also a Federal responsibility. My Administration has repeatedly urged the Congress to authorize only those projects and programs that provide a high return on investment and are within the three main missions of the Corps' civil works program: facilitating commercial navigation, reducing the risk of damage from floods and storms, and restoring aquatic ecosystems. This bill does not achieve that goal. This bill promises hundreds of earmarks and hinders the Corps' ability to fulfill the Nation's critical water resources needs -- including hurricane protection for greater New Orleans, flood damage reduction for Sacramento, and restoration of the Everglades while diverting resources from the significant investments needed to maintain existing Federal water infrastructure. American taxpayers should not be asked to support a pork-barrel system of Federal authorization and funding where a project's merit is an afterthought. |
6. November 13, 2007: Vetoed H.R. 3043, Departments of Labor, Health and Human Services, and Education, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act of 2008. Override attempt failed in House, 277-141 (279 votes needed).
7. December 12, 2007: Vetoed H.R. 3963, Children's Health Insurance Program Reauthorization Act of 2007. Override attempt failed in House, 260-152 (275 votes needed). SCHIP was created in 1997 as a ten-year program; to continue past federal fiscal year 2007, passage of a reauthorization bill was required. The first two reauthorization bills to pass through Congress would also expand the program's scope; President Bush vetoed them as improper expansions. A two-year reauthorization bill was signed into law by the President in December 2007 that would merely extend current SCHIP services without expanding any portion of the program. With the 2008 Presidential and Congressional elections bringing Democrats to a majority in both houses of Congress and to the Oval Office, SCHIP was reauthorized and expanded in the same bill through fiscal year 2013.
8., December 28, 2007: Pocket Vetoed H.R. 1585, National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2008. A later version of the bill that changed a minor provision of which the President disapproved was quickly passed by Congress (H.R. 4986) and was enacted with the President's approval as Pub.L. 110-181 on 28 January 2008.
9. March 8, 2008: Vetoed H.R. 2082, Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2008. Override attempt failed in House, 225-188.
10. May 21, 2008: Vetoed H.R. 2419, 2007 U.S. Farm Bill. Overridden by House, 316-108 (283 votes needed). Overridden by Senate, 82-13 (64 votes needed). Enacted as Pub.L. 110-234 over the President's veto. Due to a clerical error, this act was repealed by Pub.L. 110-246. 18 June 2008: Vetoed H.R. 6124, 2007 U.S. Farm Bill, re-passed by Congress to correct a clerical error in HR 2419. Overridden by House, 317-109 (284 votes required). Overridden by Senate, 80-14 (63 votes needed). Enacted as Pub.L. 110-246 over the President's veto. President Bush expressed opposition to the bill, and vetoed it because of its high cost and negative impact on poorer farmers; his veto threat enabled numerous Republican congressmen to attach pork to it, making the bill more expensive than it would have been otherwise, since Democratic leaders needed Republican votes to override the veto, while others argued that the bill should include more subsidies for renewable energy. In negotiations between Congressional legislators and the White House, President Bush indicated that the cap on payments to anyone making over $750,000 per year was still too high, and that if the cap were lowered to anyone making over $200,000, he would support the bill.
11. July 15, 2008: Vetoed H.R. 6331, Medicare Improvements for Patients and Providers Act. Overridden by House, 383-41 (283 votes required.) Overridden by Senate, 70-26 (64 votes required). Enacted as Pub. L. 110-275 over the President's veto.
He vetoed HR 810 in 2005 and S. 5 in 2007.
In any case, I stand corrected on this as I mispoke. This is what happens when I post before verifying my info and the terms I use. Instead of pocket veto, I was thinking of signing statements, which in my opinion, W abused to the extent that he used it as a line-item veto weapon. You do recall when Bush issued Executive Order 13457, giving himself line-item veto power (link below) on January 29, 2008, which he did not use until the minute the democrats gained control in 2008 don't you? But I digress.
I confuse signing statements with line-item veto on account of the way W tried to use this tactic. I am going to get lazy here since my cats are screaming for their dinner and post a link to an article discussing W's record-breaking use of signing statements:
"...That changed under Mr. Bush, who broke all records, using signing statements to challenge about 1,200 sections of bills over his eight years in office, about twice the number challenged by all previous presidents combined…”
Obama Looks to Limit Impact of Tactic Bush Used to Sidestep New Laws http://www.nytimes.com/2009/03/10/us/politics/10signing.html?_r=2
Bush Gives Himself Line-Item Veto Power http://phoenixwoman.wordpress.com/2008/02/02/bush-gives-himself-a-line-item-veto/
SIGNING STATEMENTS
Types:
In recent usage, the phrase "signing statement" has referred mostly to statements relating to constitutional matters that direct executive agencies to apply the law according to the president's interpretation of the Constitution.
President Reagan issued 250 signing statements, 86 of which (34%) contained provisions objecting to one or more of the statutory provisions signed into law. President George H.W. Bushed continued this practice, issuing 228 signing statements, 107 of which (47%) raised objections. President Clinton’s conception of presidential power proved to be largely consonant with that of the preceding two administrations. In turn, President Clinton made aggressive use of the signing statement, issuing 381 statements, 70 of which (18%) raised constitutional or legal objections. President George W. Bush has continued this practice, issuing 152 signing statements, 118 of which (78%) contain some type of challenge or objection.
During his presidential campaign, Obama rejected the use of signing statements. He was asked at one rally: "when congress offers you a bill, do you promise not to use presidential signing statements to get your way?" Obama gave a one-word reply: "Yes." He added that "we aren't going to use signing statements as a way to do an end run around Congress." On March 11, 2009, President Obama issued his first signing statement, attached to the omnibus spending bill for the second half of FY2009. The statement indicated that the President would ignore several provisions of the bill, including sections dealing with negotiations with foreign governments, restrictions on US involvement in UN peacekeeping missions, protections for government whistleblowers, and certain congressional claims of authority over spending. Since then, Obama has issued more signing statements.
No United States Constitution provision, federal statute, or common-law principle explicitly permits or prohibits signing statements. Article I, Section 7 (in the Presentment Clause) empowers the president to veto a law in its entirety, or to sign it. Article II, Section 3 requires that the executive "take care that the laws be faithfully executed".
Signing statements do not appear to have legal force by themselves, although they are all published in the Federal Register.
There are 2 ways to 'count' signing statements: the flat count and the number of disputed statutes. The NY Times used a different way to come up with their number that DOES NOT correspond to the correct way to 'count' these statements. No one knows how they came up with the number.
http://www.justice.gov/olc/signing.htm
http://thecaucus.blogs.nytimes.com/tag/signing-statements/?scp=3&sq=signing%20statement&st=Search
the NY Times writes. They often stretch the truth (my opinion). My comments are in bold except the very last one at the bottom. I hope the server doesn't go down with all this info. LOL
What I found so far is the following:
“That changed under Mr. Bush, who broke all records, using signing statements to challenge about 1,200 sections of bills over his eight years in office, about twice the number challenged by all previous presidents combined, according to data compiled by Christopher Kelley, a political science professor at Miami University in Ohio.”
This in itself, is wrong. As I stated in an earlier post. Bush issued 152 signing statements, 118 which contained some type of challenge or objection. So, the President cannot object to language in a bill, or object to, say something unconstitutional or pork. We do not have the line item veto, which is something that is sorely needed to cut out pork and/or unconstitutional items.
Constitution: Article I-Section 7:
All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other Bills.
Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United States: If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by Yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law
Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill.
Here is where the problem comes in. Bush did signing statements objecting to parts of the bills presented, but signed it into law anyway. He should have sent it back to be reconsidered, but other presidents did the same thing, including Obama. Did he send these bills back to be reconsidered? That is a question that needs to be answered. If not, then he is also ‘guilty’ of misusing his authority.
Truthfully, I see nothing wrong with commenting on a particular part of a bill. It doesn’t usually mean they will not follow the law. It does mean they have misgivings that it may be unconstitutional and put their thoughts on paper.
Already, since Obama became president, he has made 10 signing statements:
1. February 17, 2009=Statement on Signing the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009: I do not see any objections in this statement unless it’s the whole document. I only skimmed this.
2. March 11, 2009- Omnibus Appropriations Act, 2009: As I announced this past Monday, it is a legitimate constitutional function, and one that promotes the value of transparency, to indicate when a bill that is presented for Presidential signature includes provisions that are subject to well-founded constitutional objections. The Department of Justice has advised that a small number of provisions of the bill raise constitutional concerns.
• Foreign Affairs. Certain provisions of the bill, in titles I and IV of Division B, title IV of Division E, and title VII of Division H, would unduly interfere with my constitutional authority in the area of foreign affairs by effectively directing the Executive on how to proceed or not proceed in negotiations or discussions with international organizations and foreign governments. I will not treat these provisions as limiting my ability to negotiate and enter into agreements with foreign nations.
• United Nations Peacekeeping Missions. Section 7050 in Division H prohibits the use of certain funds for the use of the Armed Forces in United Nations peacekeeping missions under the command or operational control of a foreign national unless my military advisers have recommended to me that such involvement is in the national interests of the United States. This provision raises constitutional concerns by constraining my choice of particular persons to perform specific command functions in military missions, by conditioning the exercise of my authority as Commander in Chief on the recommendations of subordinates within the military chain of command, and by constraining my diplomatic negotiating authority. Accordingly, I will apply this provision consistent with my constitutional authority and responsibilities.
• Executive Authority to Control Communications with the Congress. Sections 714(1) and 714(2) in Division D prohibit the use of appropriations to pay the salary of any Federal officer or employee who interferes with or prohibits certain communications between Federal employees and Members of Congress. I do not interpret this provision to detract from my authority to direct the heads of executive departments to supervise, control, and correct employees' communications with the Congress in cases where such communications would be unlawful or would reveal information that is properly privileged or otherwise confidential.
• Legislative Aggrandizements (committee-approval requirements). Numerous provisions of the legislation purport to condition the authority of officers to spend or reallocate funds on the approval of congressional committees. These are impermissible forms of legislative aggrandizement in the execution of the laws other than by enactment of statutes. Therefore, although my Administration will notify the relevant committees before taking the specified actions, and will accord the recommendations of such committees all appropriate and serious consideration, spending decisions shall not be treated as dependent on the approval of congressional committees. Likewise, one other provision gives congressional committees the power to establish guidelines for funding costs associated with implementing security improvements to buildings. Executive officials shall treat such guidelines as advisory. Yet another provision requires the Secretary of the Treasury to accede to all requests of a Board of Trustees that contains congressional representatives. The Secretary shall treat such requests as nonbinding.
• Recommendations Clause Concerns. Several provisions of the Act (including sections 211 and 224(b) of title II of Division I, and section 713 in Division A), effectively purport to require me and other executive officers to submit budget requests to the Congress in particular forms. Because the Constitution gives the President the discretion to recommend only "such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient" (Article II, section 3 of the Constitution), the specified officers and I shall treat these directions as precatory.
3. March 30, 2009- Omnibus Public Land Management Act of 2009: Section 8203 of the Act provides that the Secretary of the Interior shall appoint certain members of the Erie Canalway National Heritage Corridor Commission "based on recommendations from each member of the House of Representatives, the district of which encompasses the Corridor." Because it would be an impermissible restriction on the appointment power to condition the Secretary's appointments on the recommendations of members of the House, I will construe these provisions to require the Secretary to consider such congressional recommendations, but not to be bound by them in making appointments to the Commission.
4. May 20, 2009-Fraud Enforcement and Recovery Act of 2009: Section 5(d) of the Act requires every department, agency, bureau, board, commission, office, independent establishment, or instrumentality of the United States to furnish to the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission, a legislative entity, any information related to any Commission inquiry. As my Administration communicated to the Congress during the legislative process, the executive branch will construe this subsection of the bill not to abrogate any constitutional privilege.
5. June 2, 2009-Signing the Ronald Reagan Centennial Commission Act: In accord with President Reagan's Signing Statement made upon signing similar commemorative legislation in 1983, I understand, and my Administration has so advised the Congress, that the members of Congress "will be able to participate only in ceremonial or advisory functions of [such a] Commission, and not in matters involving the administration of the act" in light of the separation of powers and the Appointments and Ineligibility Clauses of the Constitution (Public Papers of the President, Ronald Reagan, Vol. II, 1983, page 1390).
6&7. June 24, 2009-Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2009 (2 statements): However, provisions of this bill within sections 1110 to 1112 of title XI, and sections 1403 and 1404 of title XIV, would interfere with my constitutional authority to conduct foreign relations by directing the Executive to take certain positions in negotiations or discussions with international organizations and foreign governments, or by requiring consultation with the Congress prior to such negotiations or discussions. I will not treat these provisions as limiting my ability to engage in foreign diplomacy or negotiations.
8. November 11, 2009-Military Spouses Residency Relief Act: I do not see the objection here unless it’s the whole document.
9. May 24, 2010-Signing the Lord’s Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act of 2009: Another one where I do not see objections unless it’s the whole document.
10. July 1, 2010-Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability and Divestment Act of 2010: I do not see the objection here unless it’s the whole document.
I will do more research on signing statements, and those by Obama tomorrow or you may also read the above info. The source is below. Right now, I think we’re in another wave of thunder storms coming through and need to shut down soon.
P.S. this site also answers other questions on signing statements.
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/signingstatements.php?year=2009&Submit=DISPLAY
The Senate's fourth attempt this month to pass an extension of federal unemployment benefits failed a cloture vote last night. The standalone bill would have extended benefits for six months.
The final vote was 58 to 41.
Two Republicans, Sens. Olympia Snowe and Susan Collins of Maine, supported the measure, which gave Democrats 59 of the 60 votes they needed. However, without the vote of late Sen. Robert Byrd, Nebraska Democrat Ben Nelson's no vote was enough to defeat the bill.
(Note: I also read where they don't want to vote on this again until they get a replacement for Senator Byrd.)
Ohio Republican George Voinovich might have voted yes, but his request that half the cost of the measure be offset with unused stimulus funds was refused by Senate Democrats, who insisted that the measure be passed as emergency spending and not subject to pay-go rules. Democrats believe the unused stimulus funds should be used for job creation efforts.
Due to Senate procedural rules, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) was required to vote against the bill in order to allow for a future revote, reports the Huff Post, explaining why the tally was only 58-41 and not 59-40.
Republicans offered alternative bills, such as a proposal by Massachusetts Republican Scott Brown that would have paid for extended benefits with unused stimulus funds.
While Democrats are blaming Republicans for obstructing the bill, Republicans are blaming Democrats for the bill's failure.
"The only reason the unemployment extension hasn't passed is because our friends on the other side have refused to pass a bill that doesn't add to the debt," Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) said after the vote.
Reid said that the Senate will revisit the issue on July 12 when it returns from recess. By then, a replacement for Byrd will have been named, and he should have the needed votes to pass an extension.
"We're not moving away from this issue," he said. "We'll be back to haunt [Republicans] for what they're doing to people who are in such desperate shape."
This is just the latest in a string of disappointing votes from the Senate this year for the unemployed. Journalist Annie Lowrey of the Washington Independent has a great piece today that chronicles the course of trying to get a long-term unemployment benefit extension through the Senate this year.
Lowrey reports that the Senate's next attempt to pass the extension in mid-July will likely be the last.
Senate staffers whisper that if this unemployment extension makes it through, it will be the last one. There will be no more torturous attempts to grant unemployment benefits to the 15 million unemployed. There will be no bills to add a Tier V for the million who have exhausted all benefits and still cannot find work. The benefits will end in November.
Meanwhile, before the Senate returns from its holiday break on July 12, another 400,000 Americans will join the 1.3 million people who have already lost their benefits, according to the Department of Labor.
That's bad news for the unemployed and the rest of us too. Some economists are lowering their projections for economic growth, saying that the expiration of federal unemployment benefits will weaken consumer demand and threaten the fragile economic recovery.
You can read this article as well. This paragraph did catch my eye especially since Reid is trying to get re-elected. I will be looking at this act to see what's in it.
Stabenow introduced her bill this week and now it’s up to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev) to see it brought to the floor for either debate or a “unanimous consent” vote.
Reid has said that he prefers to keep the unemployment benefits extension included in the broader “American Jobs and Closing Tax Loopholes Act of 2010″ and that he intends to set that bill aside and move onto other business for the next few weeks in order to pressure Republicans to vote for the entire package of provisions when he does bring it to the floor.
http://coloradoindependent.com/56508/lawmakers-playing-political-chicken-with-unemployment-extension